Is there a Link between Singulair and Depression?

SINGULAIR is a prescription medicine approved to help control symptoms of asthma in adults and children 12 months and older and for relief of symptoms of indoor and outdoor allergies (outdoor allergies in adults and children as young as 2 years and indoor allergies in adults and children as young as 6 months).



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On March 27, 2008 the FDA issued a safety alert regarding the asthma medication Singulair (montelukast). The alert was issued in order to inform healthcare professionals and patients about the agency's investigation into the possible link between Singulair use and depression and suicidality.



During clinical trials, depression was not reported as a side effect, however, drug makers are required to keep track of side effects reported to them after drugs go to market. During the past year, Merck & Co, Inc., which manufactures Singular, had received reports of tremor, depression, suicidality and anxiousness. In February of this year, Merck and the FDA began discussing how to disseminate this information to the public and the decision was made to interact face-to-face with prescribers and provide them with patient information leaflets to distribute.



In January 2009, the FDA announced that an investigation into Merck's clinical trial data did not discover a link between Singulair (montelukast) and suicidal behavior. The investigation, which began 9 months before, was prompted by a number of reported suicides, especially that of 15-year-old Cody Miller who took the drug and appeared to have no history of mood or behavioral problems. (It is worth noting here that Singulair "is the top-selling drug for people under 17 years old" and Merck's biggest seller with annual sales of close to $4.5 billion.)



In attempt to assess Merck's data better, the FDA also investigated AstraZeneca's Accolate (zafirlukast) and Cornerstone Therapeutics's Zyflo (zileuton). Although the FDA did imply that "the data were inadequate to draw a firm conclusion" and said that the clinical trials were not set up to observe any psychiatric behavior. Here are the data the FDA discovered during their review of these trials:



Singulair
: 41 placebo-controlled trials that included 9,929 patients
  • Reports of suicidal thoughts: 1 (treated with Singulair)

  • Attempted suicides: None reported

  • Completed suicides: None reported

Accolate: 45 placebo-controlled trials that included 7,540 patients
  • Reports of suicidal thoughts: 1 (placebo group)

  • Attempted suicides: 1 (placebo group)

  • Completed suicides: None reported

Zyflo: 11 placebo-controlled trials (number of patients unknown)
  • Reports of suicidal thoughts: None reported

  • Attempted suicides: None reported

  • Completed suicides: None reported

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However, On June 12, 2009 the FDA announced that Singulair (montelukast) as well as some other less popular leukotriene inhibitors -- Accolate (zafirlukast) as well as Zyflo and Zyflo CR (zileuton) -- must start to include a warning on its package insert, or label, regarding an increased risk of neuropsychiatric events including suicide and depression.



This June 2009 FDA warning about Singulair is seemingly a reversal from an earlier position taken by the FDA in January 2009 when the agency said their review of clinical trials did not suggest Merck's Singulair asthma drug caused suicide or suicidal thoughts.



From a June 12, 2009 MedPage Today article, "FDA: Leukotriene Inhibitors Associated with Suicide, Depression":
Leukotriene inhibitors must include a warning regarding increased risk of neuropsychiatric events including suicide and depression, according to the FDA.





The requirement applies to montelukast (Singulair), zafirlukast (Accolate), and zileuton (Zyflo and Zyflo CR). All are approved to treat asthma, and montelukast is also approved to treat symptoms of allergic rhinitis and to prevent exercise-induced asthma.




Upon completing a review of the agents in April, the FDA found reports of agitation, aggression, anxiousness, dream abnormalities and hallucinations, depression, insomnia, irritability, restlessness, suicide, suicidal ideation, and tremor associated with use of the drugs.
The FDA based its review on postmarket reports and clinical trial data submitted by the manufacturers of the drugs....





The FDA said physicians should consider discontinuing the medications if patients develop neuropsychiatric symptoms.

Remember, Suicide is Never Painless!!!

Guns aren't lawful; 


Nooses Give;
Gas smells awful;
You might as well live.


Dorothy Parker 1893-1967: 'Resume' (1937)















Whatever that haunting song from M*A*S*H may have claimed, suicide is not painless. The topic of suicide seems particularly gruesome or morbid, because it is meant to be. Suicide is not a fool-proof or painless proposition. The fact is that suicides fail and even when they succeed, it may not be at all like what you had imagined.



Even the Best Planned Suicide Can Fail
The New England Journal of Medicine (Feb 22, 2001, Vol. 344, No. 8) dealing with physician assisted suicide shows that even with expert medical advice, things can and do go wrong. The study was conducted in the Netherlands, where euthanasia is legal. Some of the statistics reported:
  • In 16% of cases where patients tried to kill themselves with drugs prescribed by a doctor, the medication did not work as expected.

  • Technical problems or unexpected side effects occurred 7% of the time.

  • Problems occurred so often that in 18% of cases a doctor had to intervene to ensure death.

  • Even when a doctor performed the procedure, patients took longer to die than expected or awoke from a drug-induced coma that was meant to be fatal in 6% of cases.

If a physician can't pull off a perfect suicide, what are the odds that you will?



Suicide is Not Pretty
Assuming your suicide does go as planned, what do you imagine will be the scene left behind? Do you have glamorous fantasies of being found with a peaceful smile upon your face? Consider the following:
  • When you die, you lose control of your bodily functions. To put it nicely, you defecate and urinate on yourself.

  • If you have taken an overdose, you may vomit before you become unconscious.

  • Violent forms of suicide such as cutting ones wrists, hanging or gunshots leave a very grisly task for whoever has to clean up afterwards.

  • Victims of strangulation and hanging will be bloated and purple.

  • Your chosen method of self-annihilation may present a safety hazard to whoever finds you.









The High Cost of Living
So what are the consequences if you survive a suicide attempt?



The best is that you will live to discover the truth about depression: that it really is a temporary condition. Circumstances change and medications work. The old saying that suicide is a permanent solution to a temporary problem is sage advice. When the blinders of depression are lifted you see very clearly how true this is.



The worst result of a failed suicide is that you will be worse off than you were before. Consider these facts:
  • If your brain goes without an oxygen supply for more than about three minutes, you will suffer permanent brain damage.

  • Gunshot wounds that miss will leave you with permanent disfigurement and disability.

  • Overdoses on many substances will leave you with damage to kidneys and liver.

  • People who have swallowed caustic substances like lye can survive with severe burns to their GI tract.

  • Just about all suicide methods have the risk of severe, possibly prolonged pain if things go awry.

The Hurt Doesn't Go Away After Suicide
Perhaps the most common reason people commit suicide is to stop the pain they are feeling inside. The thing is, the pain doesn't go away. It gets transferred to those you love. Your parents, your spouse or significant other, your kids, your friends, and acquaintances… Everybody you know is touched to some extent by suicide. Grief is one of the strongest emotions a person can feel. Do you really want to make your loved ones feel the sort of pain you are feeling? Think about it. If you are convinced that people will be better off without you, you are dead wrong.



It's Your Choice
This article is not meant to be an all-inclusive list of reasons why you should not take your own life, but is meant to give you a starting point in really thinking about what it is that you are considering. If you are reading this, then you are an intelligent person who is capable of making informed choices about where you want your life to go. Do you really want your life to end? Or just the pain? Depression is a treatable illness. If what you really want is relief from your depression then you owe it to yourself to exhaust all of your treatment options before choosing the final solution of death.





Sources and Additional Information:

Theories on Morality of Suicide (Part 2: Modern Approaches)

The Deontological Argument from the Sanctity of Life





The simplest moral outlook on suicide holds that it is necessarily wrong because human life is sacred. Though this position is often associated with religious thinkers, especially Catholics, we find similar positions in Kant and in Ronald Dworkin. According to this ‘sanctity of life’ view, human life is inherently valuable and precious, demanding respect from others and reverence for oneself. Hence, suicide is wrong because it violates our moral duty to honor the inherent value of human life, regardless of the value of that life to others or to the person whose life it is. The sanctity of life view is thus a deontological position on suicide.



The great merit of the sanctity of life position is that it reflects a common moral sentiment, namely, that killing is wrong in itself. The chief difficulties for the sanctity of life position are these:
First, its proponents must be willing to apply the position consistently, which would also morally forbid controversial forms of killing such as capital punishment or killing in wartime. But it would also forbid forms of killing that seem intuitively reasonable, such as killing in self-defense. To accept the sanctity of life argument seems to require endorsing a thoroughgoing pacifism.



Secondly, the sanctity of life view must hold that life itself, wholly independent of the happiness whose life it is, is valuable. Many philosophers reject the notion that life is intrinsically valuable, since it suggests, e.g., that there is value in keeping alive an individual in a persistent vegetative state simply because she is biologically alive. It would also suggest that a life certain to be filled with limitless suffering and anguish is valuable just by virtue of being a human life. Peter Singer and others have argued against the sanctity of life position on the grounds that the value of a continuing life is not intrinsic but extrinsic, to be judged on the basis of the individual's likely future quality of life. If the value of a person's continued life is measured by its likely quality, then suicide may be permissible when that quality is low.



Finally, it is not obvious that adequate respect for the sanctity of human life prohibits ending a life, whether by suicide or other means. Those who engage in suicidal behavior when their future promises to be extraordinarily bleak do not necessarily exhibit insufficient regard for the sanctity of life. To end one's life before its natural end is not necessarily an insult to the value of life. Indeed, it may be argued that suicide may be life-affirming in those circumstances where medical or psychological conditions reduce individuals to shadows of their former fully capable selves.

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Religious Arguments


Two general categories of arguments for the moral impermissibility of suicide have emerged from the Christian religious tradition. The first of these is the aforementioned Thomistic natural law tradition, critiqued by Hume. According to this tradition, suicide violates the natural law God has created to govern the natural world and human existence. This natural law can be conceived of in terms of (a) natural causal laws, such that suicide violates this causal order, (b) teleological laws, according to which all natural beings seek to preserve themselves, or (c) the laws governing human nature, from which it follows that suicide is ‘unnatural’. These natural law arguments are no longer the main focus of philosophical discussion, as they have been subjected to strenuous criticism by Hume and others. These criticisms include that the natural law arguments cannot be disentangled from a highly speculative theistic metaphysics; that these claims are not confirmed by observations of human nature (e.g., the existence of self-destructive human behaviors casts doubt on the claim that we "naturally" preserve ourselves); and that other acts (e.g., religious martyrdom) which God is assumed not to condemn, also violate these natural laws, making the prohibition on suicide appear arbitrary.



The second general category of religious arguments rest on analogies concerning the relationship between God and humanity. For the most part, these arguments aim to establish that God, and not human individuals, have the proper moral authority to determine the circumstances of their deaths. One historically prominent analogy (suggested by Aquinas and Locke) states that we are God's property and so suicide is a wrong to God akin to theft or destruction of property. This analogy seems weak on several fronts. First, if we are God's property, we are an odd sort of property, in that God apparently bestowed upon us free will that permits to act in ways that are inconsistent with God's wishes or intentions. It is difficult to see how an autonomous entity with free will can be subject to the kind of control or dominion to which other sorts of property are subject. Second, the argument appears to rest on the assumption that God does not wish his property destroyed. Yet given the traditional theistic conception of God as not lacking in any way, how could the destruction of something God owns (a human life) be a harm to God or to his interests? Third, it is difficult to reconcile this argument with the claim that God is all-loving. If a person's life is sufficiently bad, an all-loving God might permit his property to be destroyed through suicide. Finally, some have questioned the extent of the duties imposed by God's property right in us by arguing that the destruction of property might be morally justified in order to prevent significant harm to oneself. If the only available means to saving myself from a ticking bomb is to stash it in the trunk of the nearest car to dampen the blast, and the nearest car belongs to my neighbor, then destroying his property appears justified in order to avoid serious harm to myself. Likewise, if only by killing myself can I avoid a serious future harm to myself, I appear justified in destroying God's property (my life).



Another common analogy asserts that God bestows life upon us a gift, and it would be a mark of ingratitude or neglect to reject that gift by taking our lives. The obvious weakness with this "gift analogy" is that a gift, genuinely given, does not come with conditions such as that suggested by the analogy, i.e., once given, a gift becomes the property of its recipient and its giver no longer has any claim on what the recipient does with this gift. It may perhaps be imprudent to waste an especially valuable gift, but it does not appear to be unjust to a gift giver to do so. As Kluge put it, "a gift we cannot reject is not a gift". A variation of this line of argument holds that we owe God a debt of gratitude for our lives, and so to kill ourselves would be disrespectful or even insulting to God, or would amount to an irresponsible use of this gift. Yet this variation does not really evade the criticism directed at the first version: Even if we owe God a debt of gratitude, disposing of our lives does not seem inconsistent with our expressing gratitude for having lived at all. Furthermore, if a person's life is rife with misery and unhappiness, it is far from clear that she owes God much in the way of gratitude for this apparently ill-chosen "gift" of life. Defenders of the gift analogy must therefore offer a theodicy to defend the claim that life, because it is given to us by a loving God, is an expression of God's benevolent nature and is therefore necessarily a benefit to us.



In addition, there is a less recognized undercurrent of religious thought favoring suicide. For example, suicide permits us to reunite with deceased loved ones, allows us those who have been absolved of sin to assure their entrance to heaven, and releases the soul from the bondage of the body. In both Christian and Asian religious traditions, suicide holds the promise of a vision of, or union with, the divine.



Libertarian Views and the Right to Suicide



For libertarians, suicide is morally permissible because individuals enjoy a right to suicide. (It does not of course follow that suicide is necessarily rational or prudent.) Libertarianism, which has historical precedent in the Stoics and in Schopenhauer, is strongly associated with the ‘anti-psychiatry’ movement of the last half century. According to that movement's critics, attempts by the state or by the medical profession to interfere with suicidal behavior are essentially coercive attempts to pathologize morally permissible exercises of individual freedom.



Libertarianism typically asserts that the right to suicide is a right of noninterference, to wit, that others are morally barred from interfering with suicidal behavior. Some assert the stronger claim that the right to suicide is a liberty right, such that individuals have no duty not to commit suicide (i.e., that suicide violates no moral duties), or acclaim right, according to which other individuals are morally obliged not only not to interfere with a person's suicidal behavior but are in fact morally required to assist in that suicidal behavior. Our having a claim right to suicide implies that we also have rights of noninterference and of liberty and is a central worry about physician-assisted suicide.



A popular basis for the claim that we enjoy a right to suicide is the claim that we own our bodies and hence are morally permitted to dispose of them as we wish. On this view, our relationship to our bodies is like that of our relationship to other items over which we enjoy property rights: Just as our having a right to a wristwatch permits us to use, improve, and dispose of it as we wish, so too does our having a right to our bodies permit us to dispose of it as we see fit. Consequently, since property rights are exclusive (i.e., our having property rights to a thing prohibits others from interfering with it), others may not interfere with our efforts to end our lives. The notion of self-ownership invoked in this argument is quite murky, since what enables us to own ordinary material items is their metaphysical distinctness from us. We can own a wristwatch only because it is distinct from us, and even under the most dualistic views of human nature, our selves are not sufficiently distinct from our bodies to make ownership of the body by the self a plausible notion. Indeed, the fact that certain ways of treating ordinary property are not available to us as ways of treating our bodies (we cannot give away or sell our bodies in any literal sense) suggests that self-ownership may be only a metaphor meant to capture a deeper moral relationship. In addition, uses of one's property, including its destruction, can be harmful to others. Thus, in cases where suicide may harm others, we may be morally required to refrain from suicide.



Another rationale for a right of noninterference is the claim that we have a general right to decide those matters that are most intimately connected to our well-being, including the duration of our lives and the circumstances of our deaths. On this view, the right to suicide follows from a deeper right to self-determination, a right to shape the circumstances of our lives so long as we do not harm or imperil others. As presented in the "death with dignity" movement, the right to suicide is presented as the natural corollary of the right to life. That is, because individuals have the right not to be killed by others, the only person with the moral right to determine the circumstances of a person's death is that person herself and others are therefore barred from trying to prevent a person's efforts at self-inflicted death.



This position is open to at least two objections. First, it does not seem to follow from having a right to life that a person has a right to death, i.e., a right to take her own life. Because others are morally prohibited from killing me, it does not follow that anyone else, including myself, is permitted to kill me. This conclusion is made stronger if the right to life is inalienable, since in order for me to kill myself, I must first renounce my inalienable right to life, which I cannot do. It is at least possible that no one has the right to determine the circumstances of a person's death! Furthermore, as with the property-based argument, the right to self-determination is presumably circumscribed by the possibility of harm to others.

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Social, Utilitarian, and Role-Based Arguments



A fourth approach to the question of suicide's permissibility asks not whether others may interfere with suicidal behavior but whether we have a liberty right to suicide, whether, that is, suicide violates any moral duties to others. Those who argue that suicide can violate our duties to others generally claim that suicide can harm either specific others (family, friends, etc.) or is a harm to the community as a whole.



No doubt the suicide of a family member or loved one produces a number of harmful psychological and economic effects. In addition to the usual grief, suicide "survivors" confront a complex array of feelings. Various forms of guilt are quite common, such as that arising from (a) the belief that one contributed to the suicidal person's anguish, or (b) the failure to recognize that anguish, or (c) the inability to prevent the suicidal act itself. Suicide also leads to rage, loneliness, and awareness of vulnerability in those left behind. Indeed, the sense that suicide is an essentially selfish act dominates many popular perceptions of suicide. Still, some of these reactions may be due to the strong stigma and shame associated with suicide, in which case these reactions cannot, without logical circularity, be invoked in arguments that suicide is wrong because it produces these psychological reactions. Suicide can also cause clear economic or material harm, as when the suicidal person leaves behind dependents unable to support themselves financially. Suicide can therefore be understood as a violation of the distinctive "role obligations" applicable to spouses, parents, and other caretakers. However, even if suicide is harmful to family members or loved ones, this does not support an absolute prohibition on suicide, since some suicides will leave behind few or no survivors, and among those that do, the extent of these harms is likely to differ such that the stronger these relationships are, the more harmful suicide is and the more likely it is to be morally wrong. Besides, from a utilitarian perspective, these harms would have to be weighed against the harms done to the would-be suicide by continuing to live a difficult or painful life. At most, the argument that suicide is a harm to family and to loved ones establishes that it is sometimes wrong.



A second brand of social argument echoes Aristotle in asserting that suicide is harm to the community or the state. One general form such arguments take is that because a community depends on the economic and social productivity of its members, its members have an obligation to contribute to their society, an obligation clearly violated by suicide. For example, suicide denies a society the labor provided by its members, or in the case of those with irreplaceable talents such as medicine, art, or political leadership, the crucial goods their talents enable them to provide. Another version states that suicide deprives society of whatever individuals might contribute to society morally (by way of charity, beneficence, moral example, etc.) Still, it is difficult to show that a society has a moral claim on its members' labor, talents, or virtue that compels its members to contribute to societal well-being no matter what. After all, individuals often fail to contribute as much as they might in terms of their labor or special talents without incurring moral blame. It does not therefore seem to be the case that individuals are morally required to benefit society in whatever way they are capable, regardless of the harms to themselves. Again, this line of argument appears to show only that suicide is sometimes wrong, namely, when the benefit (in terms of future harm not suffered) the individual avoids by dying is less than the benefits she would deny to society by dying.



A modification of this argument claims that suicide violates a person's duty of reciprocity to society. On this view, an individual and the society in which she lives stand in a reciprocal relationship such that in exchange for the goods the society has provided to the individual, the individual must continue to live in order to provide her society with the goods that relationship demands. Yet in envisioning the relationship between society and the individual as quasi-contractual in nature, the reciprocity argument reveals its principal flaw: The conditions of this "contract" may not be met, and once met, impose no further obligations upon the parties. If a society fails to fulfill its obligations under the contract, namely to provide individuals with the goods needed for a decent quality of life, then the individual is not morally required to live in order to reciprocate an arrangement that society has already reneged on.



As Baron d'Holbach wrote:
If the covenant which unites man to society be considered, it will be obvious that every contract is conditional, must be reciprocal; that is to say, supposes mutual advantages between the contracting parties. The citizen cannot be bound to his country, to his associates, but by the bonds of happiness. Are these bonds cut asunder? He is restored to liberty. Society, or those who represent it, do they use him with harshness, do they treat him with injustice, do they render his existence painful?… Chagrin, remorse, melancholy, despair, have they disfigured to him the spectacle of the universe? In short, for whatever cause it may be, if he is not able to support his evils, let him quit a world which from thenceforth is for him only a frightful desert.



Moreover, once an individual has discharged her obligations under this societal contract, she no longer is under an obligation to continue her life. Hence, the aged or others who have already made substantial contributions to societal welfare would be morally permitted to commit suicide under this argument.




Suicide as a Moral Duty?



To this point, we have addressed arguments that concern whether a moral permission to engage in suicidal behavior exists, and indeed, it is this question that has dominated ethical discussion of suicide. Yet the social arguments against suicide are fundamentally consequentialist, and some act-utilitarians have discussed the correlative possibility that the good consequences of suicide might so outweigh its bad consequences as to render suicide admirable or even morally obligatory. In fact, in some cases, suicide may be honorable.



Suicides that are clearly other-regarding, aiming at protecting the lives or well-being of others, or at political protest, may fall into this category. Examples of this might include the grenade-jumping solider mentioned earlier, or the spy who takes his life in order not to be subjected to torture that will lead to his revealing vital military secrets. Utilitarians have given particular attention to the question of end-of-life euthanasia, suggesting that at the very least, those with painful terminal illnesses have a right to voluntary euthanasia. Yet utilitarian views hold that we have a moral duty to maximize happiness, from which it follows that when an act of suicide will produce more happiness than will remaining alive, then that suicide is not only morally permitted, but morally required.



However, the thesis that there may exist a "duty to die" need not be defended by appeal to overtly consequentialist or utilitarian reasoning. In the course of articulating what he terms a "family-centered" approach to bioethics, the philosopher John Hardwig has argued that sometimes the burdens that a person imposes on others, particularly family members or loved ones, by continuing to live are sufficiently great that one may have a duty to die in order to relieve them of these burdens. Hardwig's argument thus seems to turn not on the overall balance of costs and benefits that result from a person living or dying, but on the fairness of the burdens that a person imposes on others by continuing to live.



While generally acknowledging Hardwig's suggestion that duties to others have been neglected in discussion of the ethics of suicide, critics of morally required suicide raise a number of objections to his proposal. Some doubt that the duty of beneficence to which Hardwig appeals justifies anything stronger than a permission to take one's own life when continuing to live is burdensome to others. Others worry that a moral requirement to commit suicide raises the sinister and totalitarian prospect that individuals may be obliged to commit suicide against their wishes. This worry may reflect an implicit acceptance of a variation of the sanctity of life view or may reflect concerns about infringements upon individual's autonomy. Other critics suggest even if there is a duty to die, this duty should not be understood as a duty that entails that others may compel those with such a duty to take their lives. Questions about social justice and equality (whether, for example, especially vulnerable populations such as women or the poor might be more likely to act on such a duty) are also raised. One utilitarian response to these objections is to reject a duty to die on utilitarian grounds: Suicide would be morally forbidden because general adherence to a rule prohibiting suicide would produce better overall consequences than would general adherence to a rule permitting suicide.



Autonomy, Rationality, and Responsibility



A more restricted version of the claim that we have a right to noninterference regarding suicide holds that suicide is permitted so long as — leaving aside questions of duties to others — it is rationally chosen, or to put it in a Kantian vernacular, if it is undertaken autonomously. This position is narrower than the libertarian view, in that it permits suicide only when performed on a rational basis and permits others to interfere when it is not performed on that basis.



This approach has given rise to a rich philosophical literature concerning the conditions for rational suicide. For the most part, this literature divides the conditions for rational suicide into cognitive conditions, conditions ensuring that individuals' appraisals of their situation are rational and well-informed, and interest conditions, conditions ensuring that suicide in fact accords with individuals' considered interests. Richard Brandt captures the spirit of this approach:
The person who is contemplating suicide is obviously making a choice between future world-courses: the world-course that includes his demise, say, an hour from now, and several possible ones that contain his demise at a later point… The basic question a person must answer in order to determine which world-course is best or rational for him to choose, is which he would choose under conditions of optimal use of information, when all of his desires are taken into account. It is not just a question of what we prefer now, with some clarification of all the possibilities being considered. Our preferences change, and the preferences of tomorrow are just as legitimately taken into account in deciding what to do now as the preferences of today.



Other examples of this approach include Glenn Graber, who states that a suicide is rationally justified "if a reasonable appraisal of the situation reveals that one is better off dead." An appraisal is reasonable, according to Graber, if one judges rationally about the likelihood of her present and probable future values and preferences being satisfied. On Graber's view, a suicide is rational if it results from a clearheaded assessment of how suicide would further or impede one's overall interests. Margaret Battin identifies three cognitive conditions for rational suicide (a facility for causal and inferential reasoning, possession of a realistic world view, and adequacy of information relevant to one's decision), along with two interest conditions (that dying enables one to avoid future harms, and that dying accords with one's most fundamental interests and commitments).



For the most part, suicidal individuals do not manifest signs of systemic irrationality, much the less the signs of legally definable insanity, and with the exception of severe psychopaths, engage in suicidal conduct voluntarily. However, these facts are consistent with the choice to engage in suicidal behavior being irrational, and serious questions can be raised about just how often the conditions for rational suicide are met in actual cases of self-inflicted death. Indeed, the possibility of rational suicide requires that certain assumptions about suicidal individuals' rational autonomy be true which may not be in many cases. A person's choice to undertake suicidal behavior may not be a reflection of her true self and her self-inflicted death could be an act that she would, in calmer and clearer moments, recoil at. In other words, even if there is a right to self-determination which in turn implies a right to suicide, it seems to imply a right to commit suicide only when one's true self is making that determination, and there are numerous factors that may compromise a person's rational autonomy and hence make the decision to engage in suicidal behavior not a reflection of one's considered values or aims. Some of these factors cognitively distort agents' deliberation about whether to commit suicide. The act of suicide is often impulsive and poorly thought out, reflecting the intense psychological vulnerability of suicidal persons and their proclivity toward volatility and agitation. Suicidal persons can also have difficulty fully acknowledging the finality of their death, believing that (assuming there is no afterlife) they will continue to be subjects of conscious experience after they die. In what are known as dyadic suicides, the suicidal individual actually looks forward to the moment when she will (posthumously) enjoy having insulted or having exacted revenge upon another person.



Particularly worrisome is the evident link between suicidal thoughts and mental illnesses such as depression. While disagreement continues about the strength of this link little doubt exists that the presence of depression or other mood disorders greatly increases the likelihood of suicidal behavior. Some studies of suicide indicate that over 90% of suicidal persons displayed symptoms of depression before death, while others estimate that suicide is at least 20 times more common among those with clinical depression than in the general population. In cases of suicide linked with depression, individuals' attitudes toward their own death are colored by strongly negative and occasionally distorted beliefs about their life situations (career prospects, relationships, etc.). As Brandt observed, depression can "primitivize one's intellectual processes," leading to poor estimation of probabilities and an irrational focus on present suffering rather than on possible good future states of affairs.



The suicidally depressed also exhibit romanticized and grandiose beliefs about the likely effects of their deaths (delusions of martyrdom, revenge, etc.) Furthermore, suicidal persons are often hesitant about their own actions, hoping that others will intervene and signaling to others the hope that they will intervene. Finally, although repeated suicide attempts by the same individual are common, the impulse to suicidal behavior is often transient and dissipates of its own accord. Taken together, these considerations indicate that, even if there is a right of self-determination, the scope of suicidal conduct that genuinely manifests fully informed and rational self-evaluation may be rare and so only occasionally will suicide be rational or morally permissible, even when excusable because irrational. (Philip Devine has even argued that suicide is necessarily irrational: Because no one has experience of death, a suicidal individual lacks the knowledge needed to judge continued life with its alternative. Moreover, if suicide is frequently not an expression of individuals' rational self-determination about their well-being, that suggests that others may have a prima facie reason to interfere with suicidal behavior and so is there is no general right to noninterference.

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Duties Toward the Suicidal



With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions, each of the moral positions on suicide we have addressed so far would appear to justify others intervening in suicidal plans, at least on some occasions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities. The more challenging moral question is whether more coercive measures such as physical restraint, medication, deception, or institutionalization are ever justified to prevent suicide and when. In short, the question of suicide intervention is a question of how to justify paternalistic interference.



As mentioned earlier, the impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention. Since most situations in which another person intends to kill herself will be ones where we are unsure of whether she is rationally choosing to die, it is better to temporarily prevent "an informed person who is in control of himself from committing suicide" than to do "nothing while, say, a confused person kills himself, especially since, in all likelihood, the would-be suicide could make another attempt if this one were prevented and since the suicidal option is irreversible if successful." Further psychiatric or medical examinations may settle the matter regarding the rationality of the suicidal individual's decision. The coerciveness of the measures used should be proportional to the apparent seriousness of the suicidal person's intention to die.



A neglected aspect of our duties toward the suicidal is the possibility that we may have a moral duty to aid others to commit suicide. (This possibility is directly related to physician-assisted suicide and the larger question of whether the right to suicide is a claim right.) If there are circumstances that justify our intervening to prevent suicide undertaken irrationally or contrary to a person's self-interest, then the same paternalistic rationale would justify our helping to promote or enable those suicides that are rational and in accordance with a person's self-interest. The widespread moral acceptance of aiding others to commit suicide may portend substantial moral perils, as it opens up the possibility that assisted suicide could be vulnerable to various forms of abuse, manipulation, or undue pressure that make an otherwise irrational suicide rational. For example, the family members and health care providers of a terminally ill patient might grow weary of the financial or personal burdens of caring for such a patient and decide to provide substandard palliatve care in order to make suicide more attractive to that patient. Hence, by giving license for others to assist in suicides, we may unwittingly permit them to encourage suicides not because those suicides are in fact in the best interests of the individual in question, but because those suicides advance the interests of other people or of institutions. Indeed, a good deal of the apprehension surrounding physician-assisted suicide arise from worries about whether laws and institutional practices can be formulated that both permit others to aid in rational suicide while also preventing abuses and manipulation.






Sources and Additional Information:

Novo Vitae Basic Depression Test

This is a basic depression test that helps to identify key symptoms of clinical depression. In order for this depression test to be effective, answer the following questions honestly. Answer 'yes' to each question if your symptoms have been present most days, for at least two weeks. It should only take a few minuets to fully complete this depression test. 




In the last two weeks have you...

  1. Been down or in a depressed mood?

  • YES

  • NO

2. Experienced a noticeable lack of enjoyment of activities that use to be fun or pleasurable?

  • YES

  •   NO

3. Gained a substantial amount of weight?


  • YES

  • NO

4. Had any unusual aches or pains that are persistent and unexplained?

·        YES
·        NO


5. Had any problems sleeping or have you been sleeping more then usual?

·        YES
·        NO

6. Been overly irritated, apathetic or upset?

  • YES

  • NO

7. Experienced a lack of energy or felt constantly drained?

  • YES

  • NO

8. Felt guilty and/or worthless?

  • YES

  • NO

9. Been unable to concentrate or focus?

  • YES

  • NO

10. Lacked motivation?

  • YES

  • NO

11. Had any thoughts of death or suicide?

  • YES

  • NO  

Answering 'yes' to any of five of questions on this depression test indicate you may be suffering from depression. For a complete diagnoses and treatment consult with your doctor or health care provider. 

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The guide has been prepared by Novo Vitae, virtual community, founded to help people work through depression.



Source:

Theories on Morality of Suicide (Part 1: Ancient and Classic Approaches)

Moral Permissibility
The principal moral issue surrounding suicide has been
  1. Are there conditions under which suicide is morally justified, and if so, which conditions?

Several important historical answers to (1) have already been mentioned.
Note that this question should be distinguished from three others:
  1. Should other individuals attempt to prevent suicide?

  2. Should the state criminalize suicide or attempt to prevent it?

  3. Is suicide ever rational or prudent?

Obviously, answers to any one of these four questions will bear on how the other three ought to be answered. For instance, it might be assumed that if suicide is morally permissible in some circumstances, then neither other individuals nor the state should interfere with suicidal behavior (in those same circumstances). However, this conclusion might not follow if those same suicidal individuals are irrational and interference is required in order to prevent them from taking their lives, an outcome their more rational selves might regret. Furthermore, for those moral theories that emphasize rational autonomy, whether an individual has rationally chosen to take her own life may settle all four questions. In any event, the interrelationships among suicide's moral permissibility, its rationality, and the duties of others and of society as a whole is complex, and we should be wary of assuming that an answer to any one of these four questions decisively settles the other three.







Classic Theories on the Morality of Suicide
Although many applied ethics issues emerged only recently, the issue of the moral permissibility of suicide has a long history of philosophical discussion. Plato opposed suicide since it "frustrates the decree of destiny"; he also argued that "the gods are our guardians, and that we are a possession of theirs. ... Then there may be reason in saying that a man should wait, and not take his own life until God summons him, as he is now summoning me".



Aristotle also opposed suicide since it is "contrary to the rule of life". Later Greek and Roman philosophers approved of suicide as a means of ending suffering. For example, the Roman philosopher Seneca (4 BCE - 65 CE) condones suicide in cases in which age takes its toll on us and prevents us from living as we should:
“I will not relinquish old age if it leaves my better part intact. But if it begins to shake my mind, if it destroys my faculties one by one, if it leaves me not life but breath, I will depart from the putrid or the tottering edifice. If I know that I must suffer without hope of relief I will depart not through fear of the pain itself but because it prevents all for which I should live”.







Stoic philosopher Epictetus (60 CE - 120 CE) also endorses suicide. The principal moral theme of Stoic philosophy is that we should resign ourselves to whatever fate has in store for us. Epictetus suggests that, for some of us, there may be limits to what we can endure in this life and, so, when things get too intolerable, we may wish to end our lives.



He describes our options poetically:
“... Above all, remember that the door stands open. Do not be more fearful than children. But, just as when they are tired of the game they cry, "I will play no more," so too when you are in a similar situation, cry, "I will play no more" and depart. But if you stay, do not cry.
... Is there smoke in the room? If it is slight, I remain. If it is grievous, I quit it. For you must remember this and hold it fast, that the door stands open.”







Attitudes about suicide changed in the writings of Christian philosophers. In The City of God, Augustine (354-430) opposes suicide on the grounds that it violates the commandment "thou shalt not kill."



Although Augustine notes some exceptions to this rule, such as divinely ordained wars or government sanctioned executions, self-killing is not is not an exception since it lacks any parallel justification. It is not justified because of personal suffering, fear of possible punishment, or even on more lofty grounds such as high-mindedness. For Augustine, the more high-minded person is the one who faces life's ills, rather than escapes them.







In Summa Theologica, Thomas Aquinas gives three arguments against the permissibility of suicide. The first argument is based on natural law, or the natural purpose of a thing: suicide is wrong since it is contrary to the natural life asserting purpose of humans.



Aquinas's second argument against suicide is a utilitarian type argument: suicide is not justified because of the greater social harm that is done. Aquinas's third argument is that suicide is wrong since it is like stealing from God. Our lives are property that is owned by God, and we are merely the trustees of that property.
Renaissance and modern philosophers such as Montaigne, Montesquieu, and Voltaire wrote in favor of suicide, opposing the medieval arguments of divine providence.



David Hume gives one of the most famous philosophical defenses of suicide from this period in his essay "Of Suicide." The essay was printed for publication in 1757 in a collection of five dissertations, but, for reasons of political pressure, Hume pulled dropped the essay on suicide. The work eventually appeared in 1783, seven years after Hume's death. In this essay, Hume approaches the question of suicide from the standpoint of the traditional duty-based ethics championed by Grotius and Pufendorf.



If suicide is immoral, then it must violate some duty to God, self, or others. Hume systematically goes through each of these possibilities and concludes that we have no such duty. The bulk of his argument focuses on whether suicide violates duties to God.



We can reconstruct Hume's main argument against such a duty as follows:
There is a self-rule established by God in two forces of nature (i.e., physical laws of the natural world, and purposeful action of the animal world)
As a rule, God has given humans the liberty to alter nature for their own happiness
Suicide is an instance of altering the course of nature for our own happiness
There is no good reason this instance should be an exception to the rule
Therefore, suicide does not violate God's plan







Much of Hume's argument focuses on premise four. One possible criticism to premise four is that human life is uniquely important. In response, Hume argues that in the larger scheme of things our lives are of no greater importance than that of an oyster. Hume also considers the criticism that it is up to God to determine when someone should die.







In response, Hume contends that if determining the time of death is entirely up to God, then it would also be wrong to lengthen our lives, such as through medicine. Another possible criticism is that suicide interferes with the natural order of things that God ordains. We build artificial shelters to protect ourselves from harsh weather conditions, we artificially irrigate barren land and we construct artificial means of transportation.



Clearly, we interfere with the natural causal order all the time. For Hume, arguments from providence fails because there is no relevant difference between, say, diverting the Nile river from its natural course and taking one's life by diverting blood from its normal channel. Hume also argues that when life becomes so unbearable, an all good God would not prevent us from ending our miseries through suicide.



Concerning whether suicide violates our duty to others, Hume offers a series of arguments, such as the following argument from social reciprocity:
When we die, we do not harm society, but only cease to do good
Our responsibility to do good is reciprocally related to benefit we receive from society
When I am dead, I can no longer receive the benefits
Therefore, I do not have a duty to do good




He also argues that I am not obliged to do a small good for society at the expense of a great harm to myself.
Using consequentialist reasoning, Hume argues further that if my continued existence is a burden on society, then suicide is permissible. For Hume, most people who kill themselves in such situation.



According to Alan Donagan, if Hume were pushed to his logical conclusion, utilitarianism would require social indigents to kill themselves. And this, Donagan believes, is a decisive refutation of Hume's utilitarian defense of suicide, since requiring suicide is a clear violation of the principle of autonomy.



Tom Beauchamp defends Hume against Donagan's charge by arguing that (a) Hume is a rule utilitarian, and (b) in normal circumstances, no rule requiring suicide could be established which would produce more good than harm for society.



Finally, concerning whether suicide violates a duty to oneself, Hume argues that all suicides have been done for good personal reasons. This is evident since we have such a strong natural fear of death, which requires an equally strong motive to overcome that fear.







In his essay "Suicide," Immanuel Kant argues that suicide is wrong because it degrades our inner worth below that of animals. Kant considers two common justifications of suicide, and rejects them both. First, some may argue that suicide is permissible as a matter of freedom, so long as it does not violate the rights of others.
In response Kant says self-preservation is our highest duty to ourselves and we may treat our body as we please, so long as our actions arise from motives of self-preservation. Some also might give examples from history that imply that suicide is sometimes virtuous.



For example, in Roman history, Cato, who was a symbol of resistance against Caesar, found he could no longer resist Caesar; to continue living a compromised life would disillusion advocates of freedom. Kant argues that this is the only example of this sort and thus cannot be used as a general rule in defense of suicide.



Kant's main argument against suicide is that people are entrusted with their lives, which have a uniquely inherent value. By killing oneself, a person dispenses with his humanity and makes himself into a thing to be treated like a beast. Kant also argues on more consequentialist grounds that if a person is capable of suicide, then he is capable of any crime. For Kant, "he who does not respect his life even in principle cannot be restrained from the most dreadful vices."



Sources and Additional Information:

Psychological Theories of Suicide

Emile Durkhem Theory

Durkheim performed a classic study of suicide and published his conclusions in 1897 on the following reasons of the suicide:
  1. Egoistic-Not enough Integration. Due to a looser social network or belief system. For example Protestants are more likely to commit suicide than Catholics because the belief system is not as tight.

  2. Anomic-Not enough regulation. Society doesn't have enough control over individuals. Often in periods of economic depression does this occur. Because of such change people find it very hard to adapt.

  3. Altruistic-Too much integration. The person sacrifices their life for the benefit of others. For example suicide bombers or a recent case in the UK was that a family was set to be deported due to immigration however if the mother was a widow then they could stay so the father killed himself for the family's benefit.

  4. Fatalistic-Too much regulation. The individual has little freedom as a result of the control of society. For example slaves.





Thomas Masaryk Theory
Masaryk considered that the main basis of morality in society is religion. An increase in irreligiousity deregulates the social organism, makes people feel unhappy and increases social disorganization. Suicide, as well as mental illnesses, can be seen as a measure of societal disturbances: the suicide rates increase observed during the 19th century, for example, is interpreted by Masaryk as a result of increasing irreligiosity. Religion, he says, is a system that makes psychological life coherent because it offers a structured way of thinking.



Modern education destroys religious perspective without offering anything similar, because science does not include an ethical component. Without a structured and satisfactory perspective on life, people are more likely to take their lives and are higher exposed to mental sicknesses.



Dr. Sigmund Freud Theory
Dr. Sigmund Freud classified suicide as form of built up aggression or tension that causes inward animosity. Or, in other words, it represents a psychological conflict, which cannot be worked out due to the great force of melancholy and depression.



Benjamin Wolman Theory
Benjamin Wolman, a sociologist who theorized on the “anti-culture” of suicide, blamed estrangement and contemporary societal mechanization and alienation for growing suicide rates. Wolman sums up the sociological standpoint in his statement for the main reasons why so many people now tend to hurt one another and to hurt themselves:
  1. The estrangement inherent in our way of life;

  2. The decline of family ties;

  3. The depersonalization in human relations;

  4. The loss of the individual in a mass society.

The ability of people to internalize such aggression and turn it into self-criticism and self-hate is one of the most prominent ties between sociology and psychology. While most psychologists do not hold that society is so exceedingly influential in human development and personal motives, the connection is obviously there.






David Malan Theory
David Malan, a psychologist, suggests that suicide is the cause of accumulated trauma. Though it sounds extremely simplistic, most psychologists, to a certain degree, concur with this theory. Many psychiatrists feel suicide is a result of mental and emotional disturbances that are already present and which external circumstances worsen. Rather than outside forces, personality, character, temperament (which is often thought to be inherited, and thus biochemical), and emotional stability are all psychological factors. This shows suicide as being a personal reaction, with external forces merely contributing to the final outcome. Some views stress personality far more than others, however, and the psychological school that seems to have developed the dominant position on suicide is the psychodynamic approach.



Edwin Shneidman Theory
Edwin Shneidman, in an essay evaluating the psychodynamic view, explains most suicides are marked by ambivalence toward life and death, as well as feelings of hopelessness and helplessness. He explains a type of suicide, termed “egotic suicide,” results from a conflict of internal aspects of self to which the only response is the ending of the personality. Such internal aspects are not always as solitarily self-related as egotic conflict, however.



Krauss Theory
Krauss, in a discussion on psychosocial causes of suicide, explained Freud’s view that suicide is often the result of an unachieved goal or dysfunctional relationship, which is similar to the sociological standpoint. Krauss explains, however, in killing oneself one is really killing the internal representation of the unattainable object. The primary dispute between sociology and psychology, then, is whether the external or the internal has more power. Considering the superego is supposedly the internalization of external morals and parental values, all is relative. Internal and external factors are all relevant and the subjectivity is based, again, in terms of “reality”.



Eric Ericson Theory
There is a developmental theory from Erik Erikson in which life occurs in stages and when people perceive to be unsuccessful, the overwhelming feeling of guilt exceeds the ability to cope effectively.  The hopelessness theory is probably one of the more accepted psychological theories.  Hopelessness refers to Aaron Beck's cognitive triad which states an individual has a negative outlook on themselves, the future, and the world in general.






Dr. Joiner Theory
Dr. Joiner has proposed a theory of why people suicide which he believes is more accurate than previous formulations offered by writers like Edwin Schneidman, Ph.D. and Aaron Beck, MD. According to Schneidman's model, the key motivator which drives people to suicide is psychological pain. In Beck's understanding, the key motivator is the development of a pervasive sense of hopelessness. Dr. Joiner suggests that these are correct understandings but are also too vague to be useful for predictive purposes and not capable of offering a complete motivational picture.


Joiner proposes that there are three key motivational aspects which contribute to suicide. These are:
1)      a sense of being a burden to others,
2)      a profound sense of loneliness, alienation and isolation, and
3)      a sense of fearlessness.


All three of these motivations or preconditions must be in place before someone will attempt suicide. Psychological pain and a sense of hopelessness correspond roughly to Joiner's concepts of burdensomeness and alienation, and contribute to the content of much suicidal ideation. These are necessary but not sufficient preconditions for a suicide act, however. So long as a person remains fearful of death and the actions and consequences of the activities that will create death, the actual act of suicide is unlikely.

Sources and Additional Information:

Why People Commit Suicide?

“Suicide is not a disease. It is an expression of a host of emotions, hopelessness, guilt,  sorrow, loneliness, rage, fear, shame, that have their root in psychological, social, medical and biochemical factors” (Psychological Society of Ireland 1992).







Many psychologists, sociologists, and medical doctors have tried to answer the question of why people kill themselves. To summarize them in three words: to stop pain. Sometimes this pain is physical, as in chronic or terminal illness; more often it is emotional, caused by a myriad of problems. In any case, suicide is not a random or senseless act, but an effective, if extreme, solution.



A slightly more elaborate list of some reasons people commit or attempt suicide follows. The categories are arbitrary and overlap to some degree. However, this is just an outline, and there is no lack of books that discuss suicidal motivation in much more detail and from many different perspectives.


(1) Altruistic/Heroic suicide. This is where someone (more-or-less) voluntarily dies for the good of the group. Examples include the Greeks at Thermopolae; the Japanese Kamikaze pilots at the end of WWII; the Buddhist monks and others who, starting in 1963, burned themselves to death trying to stop the Viet-Nam war; elderly Inuit (Eskimos) killing themselves to leave more food for their families; some Communists who confessed to invented (and often impossible) crimes during the Purge Trials of the late 1930s and early 1950s. Gandhi's tactic of hunger strikes, called "satyagraha" or "soul force", would have fallen into this category, had the British authorities failed to respond to his demands.



(2) Philosophical suicide. Various philosophical schools, such as stoics and existentialists, have advocated suicide under some circumstances.



(3) Religious suicide. There is a long history of religious suicide, usually in the form of martyrdom. This was widespread in the early years of Christianity and was also commonly seen in the various "heresies" uprooted before and during the Reformation, Counter-Reformation, and Inquisition. More recent examples may include members of the Solar Temple in Switzerland, France, and Canada, the San Diego Hale-Boppers in March, 1997, the Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas, and some of the people at Jonestown, Guyana.



(4) Escape from an unbearable situation. This may be persecution, a terminal illness, or chronic misery. There is no lack of historical examples.



Epidemics of suicide were frequent among Jews in medieval Europe; (sometimes they were given a choice between converting to Christianity and death). Later, both Indian and black slaves in the New World committed mass suicide to escape brutal treatment. One slave owner supposedly stopped such desertion among his slaves by threatening to kill himself and follow them into the next world, and impose worse repression there.



There were large numbers of suicides during times of pestilence in medieval Europe. More recently, AIDS has generated a similar response among many of its victims.



There was also a wave of suicides among priests and their wives around 1075, after Pope Gregory VII imposed celibacy on the clergy, who had previously been allowed to marry. Marriage had been only slightly more popular than damnation with the Church ("It is better to marry than to burn."), but had been accepted for its first thousand years.



A significant number of killers commit suicide. Four percent of 621 consecutive murderers later killed themselves; and about 1.5 percent of suicides follow murders.



All of these situations can be readily seen as more-or-less "unbearable". However, sometimes "unbearable" means failing an exam, or missing a free throw in the big game. As George Colt notes, "Most adolescent depression is caused by a reaction to an event, a poor grade, the loss of a relationship, rather than a biochemical imbalance....Feeling blue after not getting into one's first-choice college is as appropriate as feeling happy after scoring a winning touchdown. But many adolescents who experience depression for the first time don't realize that it won't last forever."



Or, as an anonymous teenager said, "It sounds crazy, but I think it's true, kids end up committing suicide to get out of taking their finals."



(5) Excess alcohol and other drug use. The observed high correspondence between alcohol and suicide can be explained in several ways, including: (a) Alcoholism can cause loss of friends, family, and job, leading to social isolation. (This may be a chicken-and-egg question; it's equally plausible that family or job problems induce the excess alcohol use. In its later stages, the fact and consequences of alcoholism dominate the picture and are often blamed for everything.); (b) Alcohol and suicide may both be attempts to deal with depression and misery; (c) Alcohol will increase the effects of other sedative drugs, frequently used in suicide attempts; (d) Alcohol may increase impulsive actions.



The significance of the last two points is emphasized by findings that alcoholic suicide attempters who used highly lethal methods scored relatively low on suicidal-intent tests. The correlation between lethal intent and method was found only among non-alcoholics.



Thus, to claim that alcoholism "causes" suicide is simplistic; while the association of alcohol excess with suicide is clear, a causal relationship is not. Both alcoholism and suicide may be responses to the same pain. "A man may drown his sorrows in alcohol for years before he decides to drown himself."



(6) Romantic suicide. "My life is not worth living without him". This is most celebrated among the young, as in Romeo & Juliet, but is probably most frequent among people who have lived together for many years, when one of them dies.



Suicide pacts (dual suicide) constitute about 1% of suicides in western Europe. Most often, their participants are over 51 years old, except in Japan, where 75% of dual suicides are "lovers' pacts."



(7) "Anniversary" suicide is characterized by use of the same method or date as a dead loved one, usually a family member. "Imitative" suicide is similar to anniversary suicide in its focus on the dead, but uses a different date and method.



(8) "Contagion" suicide. This is where one suicide seems to be the trigger for others, and includes "cluster" and "copycat" suicides, most often among adolescents. For example, on April 8, 1986, Yukiko Okada, 18, jumped to her death from the seventh floor of her recording studio. She had recently received an award as Japan's best new singer. Media attention was intense. 33 young people, one nine years old, killed themselves in the next 16 days, 21 by jumping from buildings.



There are comparable examples from many parts of the world. The highly publicized suicide of a Hungarian beauty queen was followed by a epidemic of suicides by young women who used the same method.
Similarly, there was a spate of ethylene glycol (automobile antifreeze) intentional poisonings in Sweden following two accidental fatalities and "spectacular attention in the Swedish mass media."



In the U.S. there have been clusters of suicides, most often (or most often reported) among high school students, but not necessarily using identical methods. Even fictional accounts may be enough, as in a claimed spurt of "Russian roulette" deaths shortly after the release of the film The Deer Hunter, with its powerful and nihilistic Russian roulette scene.



On the other hand, other studies found no linkage between most newspaper reports and suicides. Nor do copy-cat suicides occur consistently. For example, the 1994 death of Nirvana lead singer Kurt Cobain was not followed by a cluster of suicides. In the seven weeks following his death there were 24 other suicides in the Seattle area, compared with 31 in the corresponding weeks of the previous year.



(9) An attempt to manipulate others. "If you don't do what I want, I'll kill myself," is the basic theme here. However, the word "manipulative" does not "...imply that a suicide attempt is not serious....fatal suicide attempts are often made by people who are hoping to influence or manipulate the feelings of other people even though they will not be around to witness the success or failure of their efforts." Nevertheless, while people sometimes die or are maimed from their attempts, the intention in this case is to generate guilt in the other person, and the practitioner generally intends a non-fatal result.



(10) Seek help or send a distress signal. This is similar to "manipulative" suicide except that there may be no specific thing being explicitly sought; it's the expression of too much pain and misery. This may occur at any age, but it is more frequent in the young. However, "Parents may minimize or deny the attempt. One study found that only 38 percent of treatment referrals after an adolescent attempt were acted on. Another found only 41 percent of families came for further therapy following an initial session. `It's often difficult to get parents to acknowledge the problem because they are the problem,' says Peter Saltzman, a child psychiatrist."



 
(11) "Magical thinking" and punishment. This is associated with a feeling of power and complete control. It's a "You'll be sorry when I'm dead" fantasy. An illustration is the old Japanese custom of killing oneself on the doorstep of someone who has caused insult or humiliation. This is similar to "manipulative suicide", but a fatal result is intended. It's sometimes called "aggressive suicide." In a power struggle, if you can't win you can at least get in the last word by killing yourself.



(12) Cultural approval. Japanese (like Roman) society has traditionally accepted or encouraged suicide where matters of honor were concerned. Thus, the president of a Japanese company whose food product had accidentally poisoned some people killed himself as an acknowledgment of responsibility for his company's mistake.



It's almost unheard-of to find an American CEO who has voluntarily resigned on account of his company's misdeeds, let alone one who has committed suicide because of them. In Japan, 275 company directors killed themselves in a single year, 1986 (albeit for a variety of reasons).



(13) Lack of an outside source to blame for one's misery. J.F. Henry and A.F. Short present evidence that when there is an external cause of one's unhappiness, the extreme response is rage and homicide; in the absence of an external source, the extreme response tends to be depression and suicide. Thus, while marriage and children are associated with a lower suicide rate, they are also correlated with a higher homicide rate.
Henry and Short also suggest that, as economic quality-of-life improves, homicide should decrease and suicide increase. Long-time suicide researcher David Lester found such a correlation when comparing 43 countries; and also when comparing American states.



However, national data are contradictory: it's easy to find countries with low suicide and low homicide rates (e.g. Great Britain and Greece); or high rates of both (e.g. Finland and Hungary). Furthermore, recent multi-national increases in suicide rates are roughly matched by similar increases in homicide.



In addition, there are high rates of both suicide and homicide in prison. Most jail (short-term) and prison (longer-term) suicide rates have been reported between 50 and 200 per 100,000 per year, while the age-matched male rate in the general population was around 25. Jail suicide is more frequent than prison suicide.
Still, the Henry-Short hypothesis can be used to explain some counter-intuitive facts, such as the low suicide rate among Nazi concentration camp inmates, among African-Americans, and during wartime; though, as Erwin Stengel observed, "It is a melancholy thought that marriage and the family should be such effective substitutes for conditions of war..."



(14) Other. Most suicides have multiple causes.
Consider, for example, an existentialist with a serious illness who is devastated by a recent divorce and consequently suffering from "clinical major depression". He has a prescription for anti-depressant medication which makes him feel well enough to go out of the house. He goes to a bar, gets drunk, comes back and shoots himself with a loaded gun he kept in the bedroom.



None of his neighbors responds to the noise and he bleeds to death. What "caused" his death: physical illness, philosophy, divorce, depression, medication, alcohol, availability of a gun, or social isolation? Or, perhaps, none of the above: from a slightly different perspective, none of these factors caused the suicide; rather it is the pain associated with them (along with the unwillingness to bear it) that precipitates suicide.



"Reasons" cited for suicide change with the times. Dr. Forbes Winslow wrote in 1840 that the increase in suicide was due to socialism, and particularly, Tom Paine's Age of Reason. Additional causes he cited were "atmospheric moisture" and masturbation, "a certain secret vice which, we are afraid, is practised to an enormous extent in our public schools." He recommended cold showers and laxatives.



Sources and Additional Information:
 
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